“Right-wing and ethno-nationalist movements have grown in Serbia and parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina in recent years.”

Bosnia-Herzegovina posed the greatest challenge to the peaceful dissolution of Yugoslavia because both Serbs and Croats lived there in large numbers, and Serbian nationalism played a central role in the conflicts that ensued. Elements of this nationalism continue to affect political dynamics in the region today.

Radical right-wing organizations and violent sports fans who assault members of ethnic minority groups, LGBT+ people, and other perceived enemies also remain a concern. Two mass shootings in 2023 prompted large antigovernment protests by citizens who criticized the police and the government for failing to uphold their basic responsibilities.

A number of Serbian political parties, politicians and media outlets continued to provide support to, and public space for, convicted war criminals.

Serbian ethno-nationalist groups have become reliable agents of Moscow, spreading propaganda aimed at strengthening its rhetoric, says Nejra Veljan, author of research on the influence of extreme right-wingers in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries, in an interview for Radio Free Europe (RFE). Veljan states that Russia has long emphasized its historical and religious closeness with Serbs, and in return, most Serbian ethno-nationalists in the Balkans take a strong pro-Russian stance.

Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is facing a grave political crisis because of threats from President Milorad Dodik of the Republika Srpska (RS) to secede from Bosnia and merge with neighboring Serbia. Dodik's secessionist and anti-Western rhetoric began after a joint conference with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic in 2023. Dodik called for the “unification” of Serbs in Bosnia and Serbia.

Ethnic tensions within BiH are rising. Republika Srpska (RS) leaders are pursuing an agenda that would dismantle state-level institutions, and if successful, would result in de facto RS independence. Croat leaders are threatening the territorial organization of BiH with a frequency and energy not seen since the international community crushed their 2001 “Third Entity Movement.” Bosniak leaders have placed their own narrow political interests over those of BiH and rely increasingly on nationalist appeals to mobilize their voters.

In 2008, a faction of far-right politicians led by Tomislav Nikolić and Aleksandar Vučić left the anti-EU Serbian Radical Party (SRS) and founded the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), which declared itself supportive of EU integration. The SNS won the 2012 elections and formed a coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), Milošević's former party.

The Western Balkans is a region where the past and present intertwine in a way that makes young people particularly vulnerable to nationalism and propaganda.

With the SNS in power, there has also been a resurgence of old and the emergence of new far-right organisations, with most of them holding pro-Russian views. The Serbian state official's public usage of the Serbian world has raised concerns in neighbouring countries that it could signify a revival of Greater Serbia but now with strong support from Russia.

Turning to Serbia, Isidora Stakić, Senior Researcher at BCSP, outlined how extremist discourse intersects with state power. While fringe groups persist, she argued that the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) increasingly employs anti-systemic rhetoric. “The ruling party is becoming an extremist force,” she said. “Institutions violate basic human rights, loyalist groups attack protesters, and officials use hateful language to delegitimise the opposition.”

More than three decades after the start of the Bosnian War, nationalists are once again threatening instability in the Western Balkans. Milorad Dodik, the pro-Russian Bosnian Serb strongman, recently stated that 'We are considering in the most serious terms to bring a decision to declare independence and secede Republika Srpska, unless the property issue is solved.' Nationalist rhetoric continues to fuel political conflicts, further deepening resentments and prejudices.

The timing aligns with the ascent of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and the rise of Aleksandar Vučić—first as prime minister in 2014 and later as president—under whom power centralized and media pluralism came under pressure.

Nationalistic rhetoric has surged, particularly in frequent calls for secession by RS leaders, signifying the rise of Milorad Dodik as a dominant figure in RS and BiH as a whole. Dodik established a competitive authoritarian regime in RS, undermining democratic principles, the rule of law and human rights. Meanwhile, BiH Croat political elites have intensified their demands for ethno-territorial autonomy and security of genuine ethnic representation.

Dodik, meanwhile, of the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, has morphed into a seemingly unstoppable one-man Serb-nationalist machine. He is now widely seen as the most hate-mongering politician of the post-Yugoslav era, with a propensity for headline-grabbing statements. Bosnia’s political system has a way of quickly transforming even the most seemingly cosmopolitan, Western-friendly reformers into nationalist firebrands.

Europe has seen a significant rise in right-wing movements in recent years, changing the continent's political landscape. These ideologies, often based on populist rhetoric, emphasize the importance of national identity, oppose immigration, and express skepticism towards globalization.

This dangerous political trend favors nationalist forces in Serbia, which are deeply interested in using the Serbian Republic in Bosnia & Herzegovina to serve their political aims over the entire region. Unfortunately, the nationalists in Serbia, both those in government and opposition, have succeeded in promoting their political agenda in Bosnia & Herzegovina. These reversed political dynamics have promoted two contradictory trends within one state: integration and fragmentation.

The visual representation of Serbian nationalism is intense, overwhelming, and on the rise. In just one year, from the summer of 2023 to 2024, identity politics in Belgrade's public space has exploded. Driving from the airport to the city centre of Belgrade, every light post now has a Serbian flag attached. Under almost every bridge along the highway, political statements referring to past events are expressed:" Serbia is not a genocidal nation", being the most common slogan.

In 85 of the 89 local governments in which local elections were held on June 2nd, SNS won the majority, in a couple of municipalities where the majority are Hungarians or Bosniaks, the government was formed by the parties of those national minorities, and the only opposition municipality in Serbia became Medijana.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is unity in diversity, while nationalism is diversity without unity. Therefore, it is essential to distinguish truth from untruth. It is necessary to differentiate multiculturalism and nationalism. We all need to understand the importance of preserving history, culture, cultural landmarks, and maintaining 'good neighborly' relations in this age of nationalism that we are witnessing, and save (once again) our (Bosnian) land, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In the aftermath of Dayton, one of the greatest menaces to the existence of the modern-day Bosnian state is the propagation of ethnic Serb nationalism. Republika Srpska has threatened to leave the Bosnian Federation on numerous instances and this aspiration could possibly re-kindle the conflict. Milorad Dodik, who was recently elected to be the Bosnian Serb member of the presidency, has been a key figure in promoting these separatist tendencies.

Much like Hitler, Serbian politicians like Slobodan Milosevic and Vojislav Seselj turned to stirring nationalist feelings and finding ethnic scapegoats in order to consolidate power. This nationalism has persisted and influenced contemporary politics in Serbia and Serb communities in Bosnia.

The student and civil movement adapted again — in May 2025 they demanded early elections and beginning to articulate a political program. Through large internal consultations, students and their allies are now drafting a program for systemic change. This process is slow, exhausting, and deeply and massivly politically engaging. From it has emerged a remarkable political maturity — what we can call collective intelligence. The program is still unfinished. It will include radical innovations and unavoidable compromises. But its foundation is clear: direct democracy.

Milorad Dodik's Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), a Serb ethno-nationalist party, has maintained power in Republika Srpska since 2006, with Dodik repeatedly threatening secession from Bosnia and Herzegovina, escalating in 2021-2025 amid tensions with the central government and international community.

In recent years, Bosnian Serb leaders have increasingly threatened to break away and form their own independent state. As well as growing calls for secession by nationalist Bosnian Serb leaders, most notable Milorad Dodik... over the past 15 years tensions have been growing.