The Polish foreign ministry describes Poland as "a sovereign state" that decided to join the European Union on the basis of a national referendum. It notes that by acceding to the EU in 2004, Poland "voluntarily transferred the exercise of some competences to the Union" in areas defined by the Treaties, while remaining "a fully-fledged subject of international law" with its own foreign and security policy priorities.

Article 4(1) states: "Supreme power in the Republic of Poland shall be vested in the Nation." Article 5 provides that the Republic of Poland "shall safeguard the independence and integrity of its territory and ensure the freedoms and rights of persons and citizens, the security of the citizens, safeguard the national heritage and ensure the protection of the natural environment pursuant to the principles of sustainable development." Article 9 adds: "The Republic of Poland shall respect international law binding upon it."

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland describes its mandate as: "Poland pursues an active foreign policy aimed at ensuring the security of the state, strengthening its international position and creating conditions for the development of the country." It further notes that Poland "shapes its foreign policy as a sovereign member of the international community" and that the ministry is responsible for "the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland" and "representing Poland in relations with other states and international organizations."

Article 4(2) TEU states: "The Union shall respect the equality of Member States before the Treaties as well as their national identities, inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, inclusive of regional and local self-government." Article 4(3) confirms the principle of sincere cooperation between the Union and the Member States, under which they "shall, in full mutual respect, assist each other in carrying out tasks which flow from the Treaties." Article 5(2) adds that "under the principle of conferral, the Union shall act only within the limits of the competences conferred upon it by the Member States in the Treaties."

The page describes Poland as "a parliamentary democratic representative republic with a political system based on the Polish Constitution of 1997." It states that "The President is the supreme representative of Poland" and that "the president represents the country in foreign affairs, ratifies and renounces international agreements, appoints, recalls, and receives diplomatic representatives and cooperates with the government on foreign policy." It also notes that "The Council of Ministers ... guides foreign policy and controls the field of national defense."

Stephen D. Krasner’s article distinguishes among "international legal sovereignty," "Westphalian/Vattelian sovereignty," and "domestic sovereignty." He writes that international legal sovereignty is based on recognition of "juridically independent territorial entities" which then have "the right to enter into any agreement it chooses." He notes that states may voluntarily enter into arrangements that limit some policy choices, but this is consistent with sovereignty: "Once a territory is recognized... it has the right to enter into any agreement it chooses." This framework is often applied to EU member states like Poland, which remain sovereign while sharing or pooling certain competences.

The fact-check explains that Poland’s accession to the EU "did not deprive us of sovereignty" and that, under the Constitution (Article 90), Poles agreed in the 2003 accession referendum to join the EU and transfer some competences of state authorities to it. It notes that the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU grants the EU exclusive competences in five areas (customs union, competition rules for the internal market, monetary policy for the euro area, conservation of marine biological resources, and common commercial policy), but stresses: "The fact that the European Union has exclusive competences in this respect does not mean that Poland is not a sovereign state."

Article 3 TFEU lists areas of "exclusive competence" of the Union, including the customs union, competition rules necessary for the internal market, monetary policy for euro area Member States, conservation of marine biological resources, and common commercial policy. Outside these areas, other competences are shared or remain with Member States. This structure shows that while the EU exercises powers in defined fields, Member States such as Poland retain extensive domestic and foreign policy competences beyond those explicitly conferred on the Union.

GlobaLex explains that under the 1997 Constitution, "the sources of universally binding Polish law are: the Constitution itself as the supreme law of the land, statutes, ratified international agreements, and regulations." It emphasizes that the Constitution "establishes the foundations of the political system" and stipulates the separation of powers between legislative, executive and judicial branches within the Polish state.

PAP reports that PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński said that Poland is currently "in a special situation" because "it is not known whether it is a sovereign state or whether it is ceasing to be one". He argued that the current rulers are "determined to pursue the policy that is today imposed by Berlin, Brussels." In describing earlier times, he referred to Poland as "not so long ago a sovereign state that protected its borders, into which foreign policemen could not enter without any control," framing sovereignty as linked to independent control over borders and internal security.

The article explains that "the most basic and straightforward meaning is international legal sovereignty, i.e. the recognition of a state by another as a subject of international law." It notes that Poland "unquestionably enjoys international legal sovereignty" as it is recognized by other states and participates in international organizations. It distinguishes this from debates about the extent to which EU membership and other commitments may constrain Poland's policy autonomy.

The chapter states that "Foreign relations law is treated in Poland as part of constitutional law" and that one central issue is "the distribution of competencies in this field" between state organs. It discusses how the Constitution defines the roles of the President and the Council of Ministers, noting that the President is granted certain representational and treaty functions while the Council of Ministers conducts the general policy of the state, including foreign policy, thereby structuring how Poland exercises its external sovereignty within its constitutional framework.

The study notes that as an EU Member State, "Poland has transferred some competences to the European Union" but that this transfer occurs "under the conditions laid down in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland." It explains that the Polish Constitutional Tribunal has held that the Constitution remains "the supreme law of the Republic of Poland" and that any delegation of powers to the EU must respect constitutional limits, illustrating how Poland retains ultimate authority over the scope of external commitments while participating in the EU legal order.

Stephen D. Krasner identifies "international legal sovereignty" as recognition of juridically independent territorial entities that can enter into agreements of their choosing. He distinguishes this from "Westphalian" sovereignty (non-intervention in internal affairs) and "domestic sovereignty" (effective authority structures within the state). He emphasizes that these dimensions are not logically linked: states can enjoy international legal sovereignty even if their domestic authority is weak or their autonomy is constrained by agreements they have entered into.

The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs describes the document as presenting "the main directions and objectives of Poland’s foreign policy" adopted by the government. It emphasizes that the Republic of Poland "actively shapes its foreign policy" through participation in NATO, the European Union and other international organisations and by developing bilateral relations, reflecting that the Polish state formulates and conducts its own external policy within its treaty commitments.

The chapter notes that in Polish legal doctrine, sovereignty has been associated with "the competence to regulate all domestic affairs" and "legal independence from external factors." It explains that sovereignty in international law includes the freedom to conclude international agreements and assume obligations, and that such actions "do not infringe on states’ sovereignty; rather, they are its manifestation." Citing the Permanent Court of International Justice, it states that restrictions arising from voluntarily concluded treaties "cannot be perceived as a restriction of sovereignty" and that a state that transfers powers to an international organization retains the right to revoke that transfer.

The article defines sovereignty as the ability of a state to make independent internal and external decisions without interference from other states. It concludes that "Poland possesses all the attributes of a sovereign state, such as its own territory, population, government and the ability to conduct an independent internal and external policy." At the same time it notes that membership in organisations such as the European Union and NATO introduces "certain limitations of sovereignty, which are, however, accepted in exchange for benefits" and states that despite these limitations "Poland retains key elements of sovereignty" and can therefore be considered a sovereign country operating within a system of interdependence.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs describes the Republic of Poland as "conducting an active foreign policy" in line with its national interests and international obligations. It explains that Polish foreign policy priorities include security, membership in NATO and the EU, regional cooperation and relations with key partners, indicating that Poland itself sets and implements its foreign policy within the framework of international law and alliances it has voluntarily entered into.

Analyzing Poland’s 2022 statement on international law in cyberspace, the article notes that "Poland explicitly affirms the view that sovereignty is not only a principle of international law, but a right in itself, requiring States to abstain from conducting cyber operations that breach the sovereignty of other States." It explains that Poland's position treats sovereignty as a binding rule protecting its territorial integrity and political independence from external interference, including in the cyber domain.

The Council document repeatedly refers to the "Republic of Poland" as a "Member State" with which the European Union concludes a status agreement, and notes that such an agreement is negotiated with the "Republic of Poland" as a party. The need for an agreement and the procedure of authorising negotiations presuppose that Poland, as a sovereign state, consents to and defines the terms under which an EU agency may operate on its territory, indicating Poland’s legal authority over its borders and cooperation in foreign and security-related policy.

NATO notes that "Poland became a member of NATO on 12 March 1999" and participates in the Alliance’s collective decision-making. It explains that as a sovereign Ally, "Poland decides how to contribute to NATO operations and missions" and that all such commitments are based on decisions taken by the Polish government in line with its national procedures, underscoring that Poland retains control over its defence and foreign-policy decisions within the Alliance framework.

An academic article on "Poland's Foreign Policy Under the Rule of the Law and Justice Party" notes that since 2015 "Poland has pursued a more assertive and sovereignty‑oriented foreign policy" under the Law and Justice government. It explains that Polish leaders emphasized "defending national sovereignty" in relations with the European Union and other partners, arguing that decisions about "domestic reforms and security policy" should remain in Polish hands. The article treats Poland as a state that sets its own foreign policy line, while wrestling with the constraints and obligations of membership in supranational organizations.

The article discusses the Polish Constitutional Tribunal's ruling in case K 3/21 of 6 October 2021, which declared certain provisions of the Treaty on European Union unconstitutional insofar as they require national judges to set aside Polish legislation on the organization of the judiciary. It explains that the Tribunal's reasoning is based on the premise that "the EU does not possess the power to determine the limits of its own competence" and therefore cannot acquire substantial autonomy from the will of its Member States. The ruling is portrayed as asserting Poland's claim "to remain fully sovereign within the Union" by denying the absolute primacy of EU law over the Polish Constitution in areas touching the state's constitutional identity.

The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, which observes elections in participating States, describes Poland as "a participating State" where it has deployed election observation missions for parliamentary and presidential elections. The reports explain that elections are held under Poland’s national legal framework and administered by Polish authorities such as the National Electoral Commission. This reflects Poland’s exercise of domestic sovereignty over its political system and governance, even while subject to international commitments on democratic standards.

This chapter on Polish foreign policy notes that the change of government in 2023 "ended the eight years of sovereignist foreign policy under Law and Justice (PiS)." It explains that even under the new pro‑European Civic Coalition government, "the prevalence of continuity over change is a complex outcome of the PiS’s foreign policy, having been a driver and symptom of the Tusk government’s sovereignist domestic and the EU’s international positioning." The text discusses how both governments framed Poland’s foreign policy in terms of asserting national sovereignty while operating within the European Union.

The statement argues that certain practices of EU institutions "routinely exceed the powers vested in them by the European Treaties" and "violate the contractual principle of equality of the EU Member States". It welcomes the Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s decision of 7 October 2021, which confirmed that "the competencies of the organs of the Republic of Poland not delegated through the treaties to international organs cannot be exercised by international organs" and that implementing Court of Justice of the EU judgments that conflict with the Polish Constitution "constitutes the loss of legal sovereignty by Poland." The Institute asserts that shaping the judicial system "is the exclusive competence of the Republic of Poland" and "shall never be transferred" to the EU or other international bodies.

Poland is widely recognized as a sovereign state that regained its full independence in 1989–1990 after the end of communist rule and the dissolution of Soviet influence in Central and Eastern Europe. It conducts its own foreign policy through its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, maintains diplomatic relations with other states, and is a member of international organizations such as the European Union, NATO, the United Nations, and the OECD by virtue of treaties it has independently signed and ratified.

The author argues: "Thus, in principle Poland is not a sovereign country. It still has colours, emblem and anthem – which are state attributes – but ..." He claims that if one assumes that since 2004 "90% of Polish law is implemented from the European Union" and Polish regulations are adjusted to EU directives, then only "10% of the law is sovereign law". He cites Article 90(1) of the Polish Constitution, which allows transferring competences to international organisations, and interprets this as having "sanctioned the renunciation of sovereignty" in certain fields.

The commentary disputes a minister’s claim that "We are one hundred percent sovereign" and argues that a sine qua non condition of sovereignty is the possibility of a state to make its own laws. It states that in Poland "we cannot in Poland decide on our law ourselves, and therefore, according to what the minister said, we are not a sovereign state." As an example, it cites the Act on weapons and ammunition and claims that Poland’s obligations to implement external legal requirements show subordination to foreign law.

This opinion piece asserts that "In the year 2025 Poland is no longer a sovereign country." It distinguishes between an independent state and a sovereign one, arguing that mechanisms of European centralisation, introduced "increasingly often extra-treaty by force of the Brussels administration or EU court judges", turn countries like Poland into "de facto puppet states". It claims they are non-sovereign in the sense that key decisions for millions of citizens "are made not in the democratically elected parliament in Warsaw" but elsewhere, where Poles have no direct voice.