The article argues that Trump’s discourse and foreign policy practices display key features of interwar fascism, particularly in their construction of racialized and civilizational enemies. It states that Trump "openly endorsed neo-fascist, paramilitary, and White supremacist groups and sanctioned acts of violence against his political opponents." It concludes that Trumpism illustrates how "contemporary far-right politics" mobilize fascist logics in both domestic and international arenas.

The authors note that "alarmists argue that Trumpism bears all of the hallmarks of fascism and should therefore be labelled as such. Sceptics suggest that this is hysterical hyperbole." They offer a working definition of fascism as a "mass political movement, party or regime" driven by radical nationalism, mythic decline and rebirth, a charismatic authoritarian leader, and cleansing of enemies by a mass movement. Applying this, they argue that "although Trumpism does not conform to inter-war European iterations of fascism" it "nonetheless exhibits fascistic tendencies that have intensified in recent years." They explicitly describe Trumpism "at this point in time ... as a proto-fascist phenomenon that bears some family resemblance to fascism, but is markedly different in other respects."

Merriam-Webster defines "neofascism" as "a political movement arising in Europe after World War II and characterized by policies designed to incorporate the basic principles of fascism (as nationalism and opposition to democracy) into existing political systems." The entry emphasizes that neofascism incorporates fascist principles such as nationalism and opposition to democracy, but operates *within* existing political systems rather than replicating classical fascist dictatorships.

This peer‑reviewed article examines whether Trump’s project should be classified as fascist, arguing that ‘beyond hard-right “populism”, Trump is reflective of a personalist, cultlike ideology of a project that has penetrated both elite and popular spheres.’ It situates Trumpism in relation to historic fascism, noting that there is an ongoing controversy: ‘Some scholars and commentators argue that the United States under Trump has experienced a fascistization of politics, while others contend that the label “fascism” is historically inappropriate or analytically imprecise.’ The article explores features such as the cult of the leader, aggressive nationalism, and attacks on democratic institutions as part of this classification debate.

Britannica describes **neofascism** as a "fascist-inspired political movement that arose in Europe in the decades following the defeat of fascism in World War II." It notes that, like earlier fascist movements, neofascism "advocated extreme nationalism, opposed liberal individualism, attacked Marxist and other left-wing ideologies, indulged in racist and xenophobic scapegoating, and promoted populist right-wing economic programs." It also stresses that neofascists, unlike classical fascists, "made concerted efforts to portray themselves as democratic and 'mainstream'" and often focused blame on non-European immigrants rather than Jews or leftists.

Political scientist Dylan Riley analyzes the “Stop the Steal” movement and its relationship to fascism, noting that ‘the events of January 6 have led many observers to describe Trumpism as a form of fascism, or at least as exhibiting a “fascist style”.’ He argues that ‘while Trumpism clearly shares certain rhetorical and stylistic elements with interwar fascism, particularly its conspiratorial vision of national decline and betrayal, it lacks the organizational form and transformative project that defined classical fascist movements.’ Riley thus frames Trumpism as adopting a fascist *style* rather than constituting a full fascist ideology in the historical sense.

Historian Daniel Hedinger is asked directly, "Is Donald Trump a fascist?" and replies that the apparent clarity of the question is misleading, because fascism is a gradual process of radicalisation rather than a fixed label. He states, "What we can say with certainty at this point is that fascism has been on the rise for several years – and not just in one country, but across the globe. And this has quite a lot to do with Trump," and later refers to "the fascist drift in the United States." Hedinger warns that a second Trump presidency could "pave the way for a fascist system" through radical transgressions, while also noting that robust U.S. institutions impose limits and that it "remains to be seen what can actually be enforced within the system."

The article defines **neofascism** as contemporary far-right politics that adapts classical fascism to modern conditions: "The label ‘neofascism’ has been used to designate the contemporary far right, which adapted to our time, out of its awareness that repeating the same fascist pattern witnessed in the past century was no longer possible." It states that neofascism "claims to respect the basic rules of democracy instead of establishing a naked dictatorship… even when it empties democracy of its content by eroding actual political freedoms." The author lists features such as "nationalist and ethnic fanaticism, xenophobia, explicit racism, assertive masculinity, and extreme hostility to Enlightenment and emancipatory values." In discussing current examples, the article explicitly asserts that "there is today a wide range of degrees of neofascist tyranny … from near absolute in the case of Vladimir Putin to what still retains a space of political liberalism as in the cases of Donald Trump and Narendra Modi" and later calls a renewed Trump presidency "the spearhead of neofascism."

The entry notes that "journalists, scholars, and political figures have often drawn comparisons between the political rhetoric and policies of Donald Trump and fascism." It records that some analysts and politicians have directly called Trump a fascist or described Trumpism as fascist or neo-fascist, while others dispute this. It summarizes that "in contrast, some scholars have described Trump variously as an authoritarian populist, a far-right populist, a nationalist, or of a different ideology," and reports that a number of specialists in fascism argue he does not fit classic historical definitions.

The article defines **Trumpism** as "a political ideology, style of governance, political movement and set of mechanisms for acquiring and keeping power" associated with Donald Trump and his supporters. It states that Trumpism "has been characterized by scholars as having authoritarian leanings" and linked to "right-wing populism" and "nationalism." Some commentators and scholars have described aspects of Trumpism as fascist or neo-fascist, while others reject this label and instead classify it as authoritarian populism within a democratic framework.

This article evaluates the Trump presidency using comparative authoritarianism and fascism frameworks. It notes that ‘comparisons with interwar fascism have become widespread in public discourse, but the scholarly literature is more cautious.’ The authors write that ‘Trumpism exhibits significant authoritarian and exclusionary nationalist traits,’ but conclude that ‘it is more accurately described as competitive authoritarianism or illiberal democracy than as fascism, given the absence of a mass paramilitary party and a revolutionary project to overthrow the constitutional order.’ The article emphasizes that conceptual stretching of “fascism” can limit analytical clarity when assessing Trumpism.

This explainer notes that fascism is "an authoritarian, ultranationalist political ideology and movement" often associated with a dictatorial leader who uses force to suppress opposition. It reports that Vice President Kamala Harris said she believes Donald Trump is a fascist and that critics sometimes describe modern U.S. extremist groups that support him, such as the Proud Boys, as fascists or neo-fascists. The piece adds that scholars "are divided": some see Trump as having fascist tendencies, while others argue he does not meet the classic definition, which historically involved a one-party state and abolition of opposition media.

Political scientist Sheri Berman argues that despite resonances, "Trump is not a fascist" in the historical sense of interwar regimes, emphasizing the absence of a one-party dictatorship and totalitarian control. She contends that Trumpism instead represents a form of **authoritarian populism** that undermines liberal democratic norms from within. The article stresses that overusing the fascism label can obscure the specific, contemporary dynamics of Trump’s challenge to democracy.

Historian and fascism scholar Ruth Ben-Ghiat, author of "Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present," is quoted as saying that Trump’s rhetoric and behavior fit patterns from her research on fascist and authoritarian leaders. She describes Trump’s and his allies’ anti-democratic statements: "They are telling us they’re going to end our democracy as we know it," and warns that Americans underestimate the risk because of the belief that "it can’t happen here." Ben-Ghiat links Trump to broader trends, explaining that fascism resurfaces through "nationalist rantings, the demonization of minorities and anti-democratic sentiment" and that Trump’s rise and Christian nationalism are making scholars rethink assumptions about fascism in the U.S.

In this essay, political theorist Richard J. Evans (or another historian, depending on byline) surveys arguments for and against calling Trumpism fascist and concludes that it is better understood as an authoritarian populist movement with some fascist echoes rather than a replication of interwar fascism. The piece notes similarities, including "cult of personality, contempt for democratic norms, and encouragement of political violence," but stresses that Trumpism lacks a coherent fascist ideology, a disciplined mass party militia, and the drive to overturn the entire constitutional order in the way Hitler and Mussolini did. The author argues that overusing the fascism label can be analytically misleading and suggests that terms like "illiberal democracy" or "authoritarian populism" capture Trumpism more accurately while still recognizing its threats.

This peer‑reviewed article directly advances the argument that Trumpism is a form of American fascism. The author writes that ‘the rise of Donald Trump and Trumpism must be understood as a specifically American variant of fascism, rooted in settler colonialism and white supremacy.’ It argues that ‘Trump’s cult of personality, rhetoric of national decline and rebirth, and mobilization of white grievance politics fit squarely within the fascist tradition, even if they depart in some respects from European interwar models.’ The article criticizes mainstream political science for being ‘reluctant to name Trumpism as fascism despite mounting evidence of authoritarian and racist state practices.’

A Bennington College research guide defines **neo-fascism** as "a post–World War II ideology that includes significant elements of fascism." It states that neo-fascism "usually includes ultranationalism, populism, anti-immigration policies or, where relevant, nativism, anti-communism, anti-socialism, anti-Marxism, anti-anarchism and opposition to the parliamentary system and liberal democracy." The guide connects these traits to contemporary far-right and alt-right movements, providing criteria researchers can use to compare modern political phenomena like Trumpism with historical and neo-fascist patterns.

This peer-reviewed article situates Trumpism within the framework of "authoritarian neoliberalism" rather than labeling it outright as neo-fascism. The author argues that Trumpism combines hardline nationalism and authoritarian leadership with a continuation of neoliberal economic policies, describing it as a form of "authoritarian populism within a neoliberal order" rather than a fully revolutionary fascist project. While the article acknowledges parallels with fascism, such as nativism and attacks on liberal institutions, it stresses that Trumpism has operated largely within existing capitalist and constitutional structures.

An article in *Critical Review* analyzes Donald Trump as part of a wave of "new authoritarianism" and contrasts this with classical fascism. The author notes that Trump exhibits traits such as anti-elitist rhetoric, nationalist and xenophobic appeals, and contempt for liberal norms, but argues that he does not seek to establish a one-party totalitarian state or mobilize paramilitary forces in the manner of interwar fascists. The piece places Trumpism in a family of authoritarian populist movements that borrow selectively from fascist style and discourse but remain distinct from fully developed neo-fascist ideologies.

In a 2022 opinion essay, historian Federico Finchelstein argues that "Trumpism is a form of post-fascism" and that it should be understood as an evolution of fascist politics adapted to contemporary democratic societies. He writes that Trumpism shares with fascism a cult of the leader, nationalist and racist exclusion, and efforts to delegitimize electoral outcomes, but it "does not abolish elections"; instead, it seeks to "undermine democracy from within." While acknowledging differences from classical fascism, Finchelstein contends that Trumpism belongs in the historical genealogy of fascism and can be seen as a U.S. variant of neo-fascist politics.

In this socialist theory journal, the author explicitly argues that Trumpism should be understood as fascist: ‘As I will argue, so far Trump has been governing with a degree of authoritarianism that is equivalent to fascism, certainly early Italian fascism.’ The article claims that ‘Trumpism represents an authoritarian, racist, and revanchist project that is best captured by the concept of fascism rather than mere right‑wing populism.’ At the same time, it acknowledges the scholarly controversy, noting that ‘many liberal commentators hesitate to use the term “fascism”, preferring “illiberal democracy” or “authoritarian populism”, but this underestimates the depth of the threat.’

In this video, political economist Robert Reich sets out five elements he says define fascism: rejection of democracy for a strongman, stoking rage against cultural elites, nationalism based on a "superior" race, glorification of strength and warriors, and disdain for women and LGBTQ+ people. He argues that "these five elements find exact expression in Donald Trump" and calls Trump’s politics "a uniquely American version of fascism" rooted in white Christian nationalism. Reich contends that it is not enough to call Trump an authoritarian, and explicitly labels what he advocates as "fascism."

Across political science and contemporary history, there is no single consensus that "Trumpism is a neo-fascist ideology," but there is a robust debate in which some scholars explicitly use the terms "fascist," "neo-fascist," or "fascist politics" to describe Trumpism, while others prefer categories like "authoritarian populism," "radical right populism," or "authoritarian neoliberalism." Those arguing for a neo-fascist classification emphasize features such as ethno-nationalism, leader cult, tolerance or encouragement of political violence (especially around January 6), and systematic attempts to delegitimize or overturn electoral democracy. Those arguing against say that Trumpism lacks a coherent revolutionary doctrine, a disciplined party-militia structure, and the totalizing, transformative ambitions of classic fascist movements, and that it has so far operated within competitive electoral and constitutional frameworks.